Senator Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) is spearheading a push within the Senate GOP conference for a formal vote to authorize continued U.S. military operations against Iran now that the 60-day window under the 1973 War Powers Resolution has lapsed — but Senate Republican Leader John Thune (S.D.) is reluctant to put the measure on the floor, leaving the effort with little chance of success.
Murkowski has told colleagues she wants Congress to adopt a resolution that would legally authorize the naval blockade and any future strikes and force the administration to spell out political and military objectives, metrics for success, and exit criteria. President Trump notified Congress of the strikes on March 2; the 60-day automatic authorization tied to that notification expired on May 1. Because Murkowski did not introduce her resolution within 30 days of the conflict’s start, it is no longer privileged and would require 60 votes to pass — a tall order without Thune agreeing to schedule a vote.
Republican senators privately acknowledge that Thune has little appetite for forcing GOP members to take a potentially unpopular position a few months before the midterm elections. “At this point, I don’t see that,” Thune told reporters before a weeklong Senate recess, though he added regular readouts from military leaders could help shape members’ views. A senior GOP aide confirmed that Thune has not put Murkowski’s authorization on the calendar.
If Murkowski’s push is blocked, Democrats say the vacuum will make it easier for their party to build a bipartisan majority for a separate resolution — sponsored by Democrats — ordering U.S. forces to withdraw from hostilities with Iran. Two Republicans have already joined Democrats in voting to halt further military actions: Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), who broke from GOP leadership this week after previously voting five times to block similar measures, and Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), who has consistently opposed the conflict since it began on Feb. 28. Party strategists note that if just three more Republicans follow Collins and Paul, the Democratic withdrawal resolution could pass the Senate, though it would still need approval in the House and either the president’s signature or to overcome a veto to take effect.
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Murkowski has been recruiting support from several GOP senators who have publicly demanded congressional authorization if the campaign stretches beyond the statutory window, including Sens. Thom Tillis (N.C.), John Curtis (Utah), Todd Young (Ind.), and Josh Hawley (Mo.). Tillis has pressed for clearer strategic objectives and budget details before endorsing continued operations, while Curtis has warned he will withhold funding for the campaign without formal authorization. Young has said it is “time to wrap” up the conflict as quickly as possible and urged the administration to work with Congress on an authorization if strikes resume after any ceasefire.
The political math is fraught: Democrats uniformly oppose an authorization for continued hostilities (with the exception of Sen. John Fetterman), and Republicans are split between those deferring to the White House and others insisting on congressional approval. Polling bolsters the pressure — an ABC News/Washington Post/Ipsos survey conducted April 24–28 found only about two in 10 Americans view the U.S. operations against Iran as successful, while roughly six in 10 said using military force was a mistake.
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Murkowski’s effort underscores a broader congressional struggle over war powers that has surfaced in recent weeks, including parallel fights over proposed measures to restrict U.S. military action related to Cuba. For now, the immediate consequence of Thune’s reluctance is procedural: without the leader’s cooperation to force floor time, Murkowski’s authorization resolution lacks the path to a simple-majority vote and faces significant, possibly insurmountable, obstacles.
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